6 JUNE 2007

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SEE ALSO

RECENT FEATURES

FACES OF CHANGE AND CHANGELESS PLACES

PUBLIC EYE

NEW POLITICAL DYNASTIES LOCAL BOSSES GOOD (LOCAL) GOVERNANCE

2006 FEATURES

2010 POLITICAL PREDICTIONS

ADDICTIONS

VOYEURS AND EXHIBITIONISTS HEALTH AND THE FILIPINO

 i    R E P O R T  —  A N   A B N O R M A L   R E T U R N   T O   N O R M A L I T Y


AND SO the shocker of election day (and in the days of counting that followed) was the revelation that so-called Palace bailiwicks were non-existent. By June 4, a GMANews.tv report was citing a Malacañang statement that said TU bets had “emerged unopposed in 34 towns, including 17 towns in Maguindanao, and 17 others in the Visayan provinces of Cebu, Bohol, Northern Samar and Eastern Samar and in the Mindanao provinces of Lanao del Norte, Misamis Occidental, Sulu, and Zamboanga Sibugay.”

This is a far cry from the administration’s relentless optimism prior to, and in the wake of, the polls. Entire regions had been expected to deliver votes to the administration. Then it became entire provinces, and finally, as of the most recent reckoning, it’s a mere 34 towns. The scale of the administration rout, in national terms, can be gleaned from the diminished claims of where the administration obtained its vaunted 12-0 Senate votes. Just as the machinery had collapsed spectacularly for President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, for Ramon Mitra Jr. in 1992, and Jose de Venecia in 1998, it also did so now.

It’s possible that the administration, fixated on governors and congressmen over the past years, forgot that the national vote was now a highly urban vote. The majority of the Philippine population now resides in urban areas, which means that people are more likely to vote in a similar manner, when it comes to national issues, as Metro Manila. While the basis of political power in the provinces may still hark back to traditional rural relationships, this is less the case in urban areas. A situation where an administration clashes with local leadership might resonate strongly with similar urban areas: Malacañang versus Makati City or the Palace versus Naga City would reinforce not only each other, but the anti-administration sentiments of those casting their votes for senators.

Media and the public also combined to resist fraud in the periphery: the Mindanao vote in particular unraveled in terms of certain areas (such as the ARMM) being easy targets for manipulation. Maguindanao was only the most stunning example of electoral shenanigans being exposed — and exposed to the extent that the province’s votes were taken out of play at a time when the administration needed to give the impression of a regional bandwagon for its slate. A combination of Namfrel, PPCRV, and Lente obstinacy prevented the Maguindanao and later, Lanao del Sur, elections from simply being tabulated; vigilance in other parts of Mindanao also led to such intense public and media pressure that the administration slate simply ran out of places to eke out a victory.

There is also enough anecdotal evidence to suggest that in many places, schoolteachers simply refused to participate in fraud. The most interesting theory concerning this might account, for example, to the stronger-than-expected showing of Allan Peter Cayetano. There may have been a significant number of schoolteachers who found the Comelec’s conflicting orders concerning the crediting of his votes too offensive to implement. The depths of public antipathy toward the president were also demonstrated by the strong (and unexpectedly so, even to his supporters) showing of Trillanes, and the Pulse Asia Exit Poll’s findings of a 6-4-2 final result. With the recent capitulation of Team Unity’s Mike Defensor and Ralph Recto, the best the administration can hope to achieve is a 7-3-2 result, though the counting has remained remarkably consistent at 8-2-2.

IN THE end the House race, taken as a whole, did result in a big victory for the ruling coalition. But it was a mixed victory: 94 Lakas and 46 Kampi won overall; 26 seats went to the Nationalist People’s Coalition or NPC (generally in alliance with the administration). The party affiliations remain fluid, though: a Sun-Star report on May 30 placed the results at 92 for Lakas and 65 for Kampi! The opposition in its various manifestations thus garnered anywhere from 20 to 40 seats.

Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita claims the administration has 209 out of 230 seats. Whatever the eventual realignments within the ruling coalition, it did have a showing far better than those of administrations in 1987, or even 1992 and1998. But it’s debatable if the results represent a substantial improvement for the coalition compared to previous contests under the president’s watch in 2001 and 2004.

Of the House district contests that had Lakas candidates locked in battle against rivals from Kampi, nine ended up with neither party winning. Lakas did clinch the lion’s share of the seats over which it fought against Kampi: 33 of 56 (59 percent). Kampi took 14 (25 percent). These figures, however, can only hint at the political momentum, and resources, squandered in such intramurals. They were so extreme as to suggest that they may eventually prove unprecedented. (See Table 3)

Table 3. House Races Contested Between Lakas and Kampi

courtesy of PCIJ research

Seats occupied (partial): 220
Districts contested by Lakas vs. Kampi: 56 (25% of 220 seats)
Lakas victories: 33, or approximately 59% of 56
Kampi victories: 14, or approximately 25% of 56
Districts where neither won: 9, or approximately 16% of 56

NUMBER
PROVINCE/CITY
DISTRICT
LAKAS
KAMPI
WINNER
PARTY
1
Agusan del Norte
1
AQUINO, Jose III
JIMENEZ, Angelo
AQUINO, Jose III
Lakas
2
Agusan del Norte
2
PLAZA, Democrito Alberto III
AMANTE, Edelmiro
AMANTE, Edelmiro
Kampi
3
Batangas
2
CABIGAO, Orestas
MENDOZA, Edgar
MANDANAS, Hermilando I.
LP
4
Batangas
3
REYES, Victoria H.
COLLANTES, Nelson
REYES, Victoria H.
Lakas
5
Bohol
3
JALA, Adam Relson
BALITE, Dionisio
JALA, Adam Relson
Lakas
6
Bulacan
1
SY-ALVARADO, Victoria
OPLE, Felix
SY-ALVARADO, Victoria
Lakas
7
Bulacan
2
PANCHO, Pedro M.
CRUZ, Ambrosio Jr.
PANCHO, Pedro M.
Lakas
8
Bulacan
4
NICOLAS, Reylina G.
PLEYTO, Salvador
NICOLAS, Reylina G.
Lakas
9
Bulacan, San Jose del Monte City
Lone
BARTOLOME, Felipe
ROBES, Arturo
BARTOLOME, Felipe
Lakas
10
Caloocan City
2
BAGUS, Tolentino
DIVINA, Nilo
CAJAYON, Mary Mitzi
LP
11
Camarines Sur
4
BELZA, Diones
ALFELOR, Felix Jr. R.
ALFELOR, Felix Jr. R.
Kampi
12
Capiz
2
CASTRO, Fredenil H.
BULILAN, Ernesto
CASTRO, Fredenil H.
Lakas
13
Cebu
2
KINTANAR, Carmiano (Lakas-NPC)
GARCIA, Pablo
GARCIA, Pablo
Kampi
14
Cebu
3
YAPHA, Estrella
GARCIA, Pablo John
GARCIA, Pablo John
Kampi
15
Cebu
4
MARTINEZ, Celestino III
SALIMBANGON, Benhur
SALIMBANGON, Benhur
Kampi
16
Cebu
6
QUISUMBING, Gabriel
SOON-RUIZ, Nerissa Corazon
SOON-RUIZ, Nerissa Corazon
Kampi
17
Compostela Valley
2
AMATONG, Rommel
CABALLERO, Jose
AMATONG, Rommel
Lakas
18
Davao del Norte
2
LAGDAMEO, Antonio
STA. ANA, Rolando
LAGDAMEO, Antonio
Lakas
19
Davao Oriental
1
PALMA-GIL, Maria Sophia
DAYANGHIRANG, Nelson
DAYANGHIRANG, Nelson
Kampi
20
Guimaras
Lone
ESPINOSA, Edgar T.
NAVA, Joaquin Carlos Rahman
NAVA, Joaquin Carlos Rahman
Kampi
21
Iloilo
4
BIRON, Ferjenel G.
DISTURA, Rolando
BIRON, Ferjenel G.
Lakas
22
La Union
1
ORTEGA, Victor
MAGSAYSAY, Milagros
ORTEGA, Victor
Lakas
23
La Union
2
EUFRANIO, Eriguel
DUMPIT, Thomas Jr.
DUMPIT, Thomas Jr.
Kampi
24
Laguna
3
AQUINO, Florante
ALAVA, Adoracion; VELASCO, Enrico
ARAGO, Evita
LP
25
Lanao del Norte
1
DIMAPORO, Imelda
BACAREZA, Angelique
BELMONTE, Vicente
UNO
26
Lanao del Norte
2
BALINDONG, Pangalian
LANTON, Makabangkit
BALINDONG, Pangalian
Lakas
27
Leyte
4
CODILLA, Eufrocino Sr. M.
CODILLA, Eufrocino Jr.
CODILLA, Eufrocino Sr. M.
Lakas
28
Marikina City
1
TEODORO, Marcelino
PAZ, Eva
TEODORO, Marcelino
Lakas
29
Masbate
2
KHO, Antonio
ESPINOSA, Maria Lourdes Lilia
KHO, Antonio
Lakas
30
Misamis Oriental
1
LAGBAS, Danilo
PADERANGA, Michael
LAGBAS, Danilo
Lakas
31
Negros Oriental
1
SY-LIMKAICHONG, Jose
PARAS, Olivia
SY-LIMKAICHONG, Jose
Lakas
32
North Cotabato
1
TAN, Luzviminda
TALIÑO-SANTOS, Emmylou J.
TALIÑO-SANTOS, Emmylou J.
Kampi
33
North Cotabato
2
ANDOLANA, Gregorio; PIÑOL, Bernardo Jr.
JUBILAN, Solema
PIÑOL, Bernardo Jr.
Lakas
34
Northern Samar
2
VICENCIO, Cesar
ONG, Emil
ONG, Emil
Kampi
35
Nueva Ecija
2
VIOLAGO, Joseph Gilbert
FELIMON, Jose
VIOLAGO, Joseph Gilbert
Lakas
36
Nueva Ecija
3
UMALI, Czarina
CHUA, Voltaire
UMALI, Czarina
Lakas
37
Nueva Ecija
4
PADIERNOS, Gay
ANTONINO, Rodolfo W.
ANTONINO, Rodolfo W.
Kampi
38
Pangasinan
2
AGBAYANI, Victor
BENGZON, Jose III
AGBAYANI, Victor
Lakas
39
Pangasinan
3
ARENAS, Ma. Rachel
TULAGAN, Generoso Jr.
ARENAS, Ma. Rachel
Lakas
40
Pasay
Lone
SANTOS, Ricardo
PANALIGAN, Allan
ROXAS, Jose Antonio
PDP-UNO
41
Quezon
1
PASAMBA, Eladio
ENVERGA, Mark
ENVERGA, Mark
Kampi
42
Quezon City
2
SUSANO, Mary Ann L.
MATHAY, Ismael III
SUSANO, Mary Ann L.
Lakas
43
Rizal
2
GARCIANO, Dionisio
RIVERA, Rolando
RODRIGUEZ, Adelina
NPC
44
Romblon
Lone
MADRONA, Eleandro
RIVERA, Rolando
MADRONA, Eleandro
Lakas
45
Sorsogon
1
DURAN, Jose Vicente
BANARES, Jerry
ESCUDERO, Salvador III
UNO
46
Sulu
1
JIKIRI, Yusoph
ABDURAHMAN, Jamasali; JADJULIE, Jupakkal; LOONG, Tupay
JIKIRI, Yusoph
Lakas
47
Sulu
2
ARBISON, Abdulmunir M.
CALUANG, Al-Hussein
ARBISON, Abdulmunir M.
Lakas
48
Surigao del Norte
2
BARBERS, Robert Lyndon
ANDANAR, Wencelito
ROMARATE, Guillermo Jr.
Partido Padajon Surigao
49
Taguig City
2
DUEÑAS, Henry
REYES, Angelito
DUEÑAS, Henry
Lakas
50
Tarlac
2
YAP, Jose
TABAMO, Guillermina
YAP, Jose
Lakas
51
Tarlac
3
LAPUS, Jeci
AQUINO, Herminio
LAPUS, Jeci
Lakas
52
Tawi-Tawi
Lone
JAAFAR, Nur
ABUBAKAR, Anuar
JAAFAR, Nur
Lakas
53
Western Samar
2
FIGUEROA, Catalino
TAN, Sharee Ann
TAN, Sharee Ann
Kampi
54
Zamboanga del Norte
2
LABAD-LABAD, Rosendo
RANILLO, Matias
LABAD-LABAD, Rosendo
Lakas
55
Zamboanga Sibugay
1
CABILAO, Belma A.
PABLO, Ferdinand
CABILAO, Belma A.
Lakas
56
Zamboanga Sibugay
2
RAMBUYONG, Richard
HOFER, Dulce Ann (Kampi-LDP)
HOFER, Dulce Ann
Kampi-LDP
57
Shariff Kabunsuan
Lone
SEMA, Bai Sandra
DILANGALEN, Didagen
DILANGALEN, Didagen
PMP

The senatorial results, whether pegged at 6-4-2, 7-3-2, or 8-2-2, are simply unprecedented for a sitting administration since the bicameral system was reestablished in 1987. They are on the scale of the two biggest repudiations endured by a sitting administration in senatorial elections: while not a total defeat on the scale of the Quirino Liberal Party (LP) slate in 1951, the 2007 results approximates the debacle experienced by Marcos’s midterm Nacionalista Party (NP) slate in 1971. In 1961 the NP, and in 1965 the LP, did as badly, but those were also years in which the NP and LP administrations, respectively, lost the presidency.

It can even be argued that the two administration candidates who secured a comfortable victory — Joker Arroyo and Angara (who, while veteran legislators, have never been known as partisans of the administration) — won despite, and not because of, their Palace affiliation. Known partisans of the president did poorly, such as Defensor and Congressman Prospero Pichay, though not as miserably as the likes of Ilocos Sur Governor Luis ‘Chavit’ Singson, whose pro-provinces platform failed to resonate.

On the whole, after the extremes the country has oscillated between since 2000-2001, the country expressed itself firmly in favor of the familiar. The parameters couldn’t be clearer, and they firmly hem in Arroyo, who can labor to redeem herself by means of economic performance, but who would be playing with fire if she revives charter change. The country has already been planning for the post-Arroyo years, which actually begin in a year or at most two, when the 2010 presidential campaign starts in earnest.

The 2007 elections did prove, however, that even in a midterm election in which the public isn’t deeply engaged, the country’s institutions were hard-pressed to conduct a credible election. The recent round of polls was barely credible. And there is little sign an administration that gave up all its previous chances to implement serious electoral reform will do so in its remaining years. Which means, if this election was chaotic, expensive, and costly in terms of lives and institutional reputations, 2010 promises to be a lot worse.

Manuel L. Quezon III is a columnist and contributing editor of the Philippine Daily Inquirer, and hosts a weekly show, “The Explainer,” on ANC.


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