RECIPIENT OF REQUESTS
In truth, this is not the first time that the PLLO has been accused of handling “tainted” money. In the impeachment trial of President Joseph ‘Erap’ Estrada, one of the allegations brought up was that then PLLO manager Jimmy Policarpio received P2 million in jueteng money per month, which he was said to have used “for the media.”

One PLLO insider does say that during the time of President Estrada, the office had to deal with various requests from lawmakers, ranging from the political to the personal. One such request was for a helicopter for a sick lawmaker to be brought to Manila, which Estrada was able to comply with by asking for help from one of his businessmen-friends.

“Sure, he also gave away money,” says the insider, referring to Estrada. “But he did it himself.” And, says the PLLO member, “the highest (amount) was P100,000.”

Former congressman Gilbert Remulla, who was representative of Cavite’s second district for two consecutive terms beginning 2001, says he has “no personal knowledge” of any money being given by the office, although he notes that he was with the opposition when he was at the legislature and “am not known to brown nose.”

“The PLLO is the liaison of the president, who holds the purse strings,” Remulla points out in an emailed reply to PCIJ’s queries. “When it comes to political survival, it is necessary for most legislators (as they believe) to ‘bring home the bacon’ — or pork. The PLLO assists them in this regard….(The) favors are handed out liberally to those who are in positions of influence and those who know how to brown nose.”

Remulla says that the PLLO was “very active in the two impeachment complaints during the 13th Congress.” Then still under political adviser Claudio, the PLLO “would ensure that the opposition would not have the numbers,” says Remulla, and would offer or give the administration’s allies “projects and appointive positions in government…to ensure their loyalty.”

But what about giving away money? One PLLO staff member will only go as far as saying that any cash being given out could not have come from the office’s coffers, considering its relatively small budget.

One thing’s for sure, though, say some ex-PLLO staff members: Their former office has been underperforming and lacking in direction in recent years. They note that for one, the budget has not been approved on time for the past four years. The 2007 budget was approved only last February, right before the 13th Congress ended its session. Priority measures like the one for cheaper medicines remain unapproved. Also gathering dust in both chambers is the Land Use Act and the Public Debt Ceiling Act.

The bumps on the road encountered by Malacañang’s priority bills could have been smoothed over by regular meetings of the Legislative-Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC). It is the PLLO that coordinates with lawmakers to attend the LEDAC meeting and “shepherds” them when they arrive in Malacañang. The council, composed of 20 members from both the executive and legislative branches, had regular meetings during the Ramos administration. But according to Lagonera, LEDAC has met only thrice so far this year.

UNCONFIRMED APPOINTEES
On top of this, most cabinet members have yet to be confirmed by the Commission on Appointments (CA). Last week, 11 Cabinet members were deemed bypassed when both chambers went on recess; they had to be reappointed, even though some of them have been occupying their positions for over a year now. Last February, the president had to reappoint 12. Among those whose appointments have yet to be confirmed are Finance Secretary Margarito Teves, Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr., Trade Secretary Peter Favila, Environment Secretary Lito Atienza, Budget Secretary Rolando Andaya Jr., and DILG Secretary Puno.

When Policarpio was still managing its affairs, the PLLO was active in pushing for the confirmation of cabinet appointments, says a CA insider. “This time,” he says, “the CA even had to issue a memo to get Cabinet officials to submit documents so hearings on their confirmation can start.” He adds that the PLLO has even become so scarce that he no longer knows who is calling the shots there.

Yet there was a time when the office’s low profile was not considered a problem at all. Former senator Rene Saguisag, who was part of the first post-EDSA Senate, doesn’t even remember ever dealing with the PLLO. He says that even amid the intractable debates on the fate of the U.S. bases in the Philippines, the PLLO’s brand of lobbying in the Senate was “based on the merits” of keeping the U.S. facilities.

Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel Jr. also recalls the PLLO personnel during the Aquino administration as “very low-key” and “hardly visible.”

“They just informed us of the priority bills needed by Malacañang,” says Pimentel. “Hindi tulad ngayon na parang nagma-manipulate (Unlike these days when they seem to be manipulating us).”

Casiple puts it this way: “The PLLO was a good idea during the time of President Aquino. Marami nang bad idea ngayon (Today there are many bad ideas).”