25 MAY 2007
RELEVANT DOCUMENTS
RELEVANT LINKS SEE ALSO
RECENT FEATURES
PUBLIC EYE NEW POLITICAL DYNASTIES
2006 FEATURES
ADDICTIONS
|
THE PPCRV, like Namfrel, is supposed to receive legal assistance from Lente, which is composed of 28 organizations. Although Lente will provide legal services to members of its network, its primary task is to monitor the canvassing process. Lente was formed just this year.
Lente aimed to mobilize at least 10,000 volunteers so that it could have two lawyers assisted by two law students or paralegals in each of the country’s 1,600 municipalities. It also wanted to deploy two mobile groups per major island grouping. But after canvassing began, Medina conceded that Lente was facing many challenges in its “systems, organization, and environment.” Still, it was able to receive accounts of alleged cheating and violence during canvassing. Just last Sunday, one of its subgroups received a report from a teacher in Maguindanao who said she was forced to fill out blank ballots with the names of Team Unity senatorial candidates, starting with Luis ‘Chavit’ Singson and Prospero Pichay. Other Maguindanaoan teachers have since staged a protest, denying they were part of any attempt at election fraud. But Lente is not the only one receiving reports of supposed cheating; similar accounts have been echoed by BE. Strictly speaking, BE is supposed to be an observer, and thus does not have a direct involvement in the poll-watching process. Its emphasis is on documentation, with a minimum of two organized monitoring teams (OMTs) composed of five members for each cluster expected to fill out weekly monitoring forms, which will be submitted to area coordinators. In the event of an anomaly, OMTs will also fill up and submit incident reports. Another type of BE volunteer is the citizen reporter, who is supposed to give direct information to area coordinators. Among BE’s targets for observation is the Comelec’s performance. It plans to keep on producing reports long after the winners are proclaimed. In many ways, BE is similar to Kontra Daya, but while the former has a regular report schedule, the latter has adopted a “come what may” approach. That, however, has not meant Kontra Daya’s reports are benign. In its initial salvo, the group said the “machinery for cheating” employed by the Arroyo administration during the 2004 elections remained intact, and that the Comelec had failed to ensure the security of the production of election returns and certificates of canvass. (Read Kontra Daya’s report) Kontra Daya — whose convenors come from a wide spectrum consisting of militant activists, teachers, IT specialists, retired generals, and church organizations — also pointed to 22 party-list organizations as allegedly having the support of, or links to, the Palace. Halal, meanwhile, is often mistaken by many as having tasks already being undertaken by Namfrel. But Halal has taken care to note that unlike the older group, it does not seek to tabulate or consolidate votes. What it is doing, says Halal, is a “citizens’ audit” of the election tallies; specifically, it seeks to tabulate votes as these come in precinct by precinct. (See Halal flowchart)
“The origin of the figures is very, very important especially if your totals will already run in the millions,” explains Halal Chairman and former senator Wigberto Tañada. “When it reaches the millions and you don’t know where they’re coming from, and you’re not able to validate the source, as well as the correctness of this count at the precinct level, then the consolidated count is of no use, right?” That sounds like a direct challenge to Namfrel. Interestingly, though, Halal, like Namfrel in 2004, wanted to use SMS to carry out its audit for this year’s polls. But it was forced to throw out that option after realizing it would be too costly.
IN TOTAL, the number of poll monitor volunteers belonging to various groups could reach more than 1.5 million. Right before the elections, V-Force’s Tolosa said his organization was already close to reaching its target of a million volunteers; Namfrel claims some 300,000 members while PPCRV says it has about 400,000.
“That's a little bit dangerous, I think,” she adds. “There's a conflict of interest there when your poll-watching groups are part of the Comelec.” While she does not oppose Comelec accreditation of poll-monitoring groups, she thinks that the relationship of the commission tends to get too close at times. The line between them should be drawn more clearly, she argues. Hagerdon-Thakur believes that poll watchdogs should remain independent and critical of the election process. “And Comelec should welcome that,” she says, “because if you're running a great election and there isn't an independent citizens’ group to say and validate that, then it's sort of your word (against public perception).” Tolosa, however, says that an accredited citizens' arm simply means the government cannot fulfill its elections duties alone. He adds, though, that there could be a problem if the perception is that the official government agency that is monitoring the electoral process itself cannot be trusted. “And that’s why the official link with government puts you yourself under a cloud of suspicion,” he says, stressing that in this case the accredited poll watchdog’s credibility could be questioned as well. Yet despite the increasing public criticism of Comelec, Tolosa doesn’t think this occurred in the recently concluded elections. Still, he says that nonpartisan poll watchers will be most needed in bailiwicks of the administration or the opposition, where the lack of candidates from opposing parties might lead to problems in aggregation. V-Force — whose funds come from its member organizations, donations, as well as a “democracy trust fund” set up by the influential Makati Business Club — is also focusing on densely populated areas like central and southern Luzon, and Cebu.
Email us your comments about this article, or post them in our blog. |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||