SPECIAL EDSA
20TH ANNIVERSARY ISSUE JAN-FEB 2006 TUNE IN TO 20 Featured Filipinos
Corazon C. Aquino Imelda Marcos Fidel V. Ramos Juan Ponce Enrile Gregorio ‘Gringo’ Honasan Jose Concepcion Jr. Rene A.V. Saguisag Bernabe ‘Kumander Dante’ Buscayno Nur Misuari Teresita Ang See Romeo J. Intengan Eugenia Apostol William Torres Carmen Deunida, a.k.a. Nanay Mameng Jim Paredes Luz Emmanuel Soriano Raymundo Jarque Jose Luis Martin ‘Chito’ Gascon Ma. Cecilia Flores-Oebando Alfonso Tomas ‘Atom’ P. Araullo
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‘Edsa was like a new dawn for me’
But on March 8, 1986, Buscayno, who had been in prison for nearly 10 years, became one of hundreds of political detainees released by the new Aquino government. Then 42, Buscayno did what he allowed himself to imagine he would do since the first whispers began reaching him about the possibility of freedom should Corazon Aquino become president. "I went home, ran through the fields, let my skin soak up the sun," says Buscayno in Filipino. "I went back to where I grew up, I visited my relatives and friends." He hadn't been able to sleep while the Edsa revolution was going on, he recalls. He kept an ear glued to the radio, constantly thinking, "Please, please, let this end, let Marcos fall." And when that finally happened, Buscayno felt an elation he had never known before. "It was," he says, "like a new dawn for me." It was indeed a new beginning not only for Buscayno, but also for hundreds of other political prisoners and for the country he professes to love. "The oppressive regime was gone," he says of what Edsa meant, and to him nothing could have been sweeter. Never mind that in the background, the military was chafing at its leash, angered by the Aquino government's decision to release Buscayno and his ilk. A year later, Buscayno, founder of the New People's Army (NPA), the military wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), exchanged the bullet for the ballot. With a few other Left leaders, he formed the Partido ng Bayan or PnB, which fielded candidates for the legislative elections that year; Buscayno himself ran for senator. "Everyone had a chance to offer a platform and have the people vote for the most deserving," he says. It was also a chance to spread the word about what, to Buscayno, was the most important lesson of Edsa: that a people, united, could overcome the worst adversary. Not one of PnB's candidates won. Still, the 1987 elections were significant for the Left, which had boycotted the 1986 "snap" presidential poll. That exercise, said CPP leaders at the time, was "a noisy but meaningless affair between contending factions of the same ruling class." "They had a point," Buscayno now says. "But as I said then, 'If you're right, let the people learn. That would be better than us not participating, going the other way. We would have a hard time explaining that to the people.'" To this day, the decision to boycott the 1986 elections is still widely referred to as one of the CPP's "legendary" blunders. As Buscayno predicted, it contributed to the alienation of the movement in a world where it was fast becoming irrelevant.
But it would take a rightist attempt on his life for the ex-NPA commander to leave the movement altogether. Minutes before midnight on June 9, 1987, two men opened fire on Buscayno's car as it was leaving the compound of a broadcast station in Quezon City. Two of his four companions died while the other two were wounded. Buscayno ducked in time, and escaped getting shot. He was, however, hit by shrapnel from a grenade thrown at his car. That ambush was one of a string of anti-Left attacks carried out in the uneasy transition after Edsa 1. Buscayno was among the luckier ones who survived these. Not so lucky were youth leader Lean Alejandro and labor lawyer Rolando Olalia. These cases remain unsolved, but many see the hand of the putchist RAM, which by then had morphed from the Reform the Armed Forces Movement into to the Rebolusyonaryong Alyansang Makabansa (Nationalist Revolutionary Alliance). Three pieces of shrapnel remain lodged in Buscayno's back, permanent souvenirs of the 1987 ambush; doctors do not dare remove them as they are very close to one lung. Buscayno says that as soon as he recovered from his wounds, he headed for his hometown of Capas, Tarlac, for good. "I thought it was time that I went home…and do as my father did — be a tiller of the land." He has lived in Capas since. "This is my territory," he says. "Here I am safe." It was in Capas where he had joined the peasant movement Hukbong Magpapalaya ng Bayan at age 17, a third-year high school dropout. It was also in Capas that the New People's Army was born in 1969, after he had a meeting with CPP head Jose Ma. Sison. From a ragtag army of 35 that had just 10 rifles, the NPA grew under Buscayno, then already known as "Kumander Dante," spreading first throughout Central Luzon and then north in Isabela, south in Negros and Camarines Sur, and other provinces. But it would also be in Capas where the former Kumander Dante would attempt an alternative to armed revolution. In 1988, Buscayno set up the People's Livelihood Foundation-Tarlac Integrated Livelihood Cooperative (PILF-TILCO) in a bid to help end the poverty of the peasants who formed the core of the NPA. Eager to have a model other ex-rebels could emulate, the Aquino government pulled out all the stops in supporting Buscayno's venture. By the end of its first year, the cooperative had over 500 member-farmers working on 1,019 hectares, all of them benefiting from low-interest loans, increased harvests, and the employment opportunities provided by the economic venture. But the cooperative soon ran into problems, including mismanagement. In 1991, Mt Pinatubo erupted, ruining huge swaths of land in Tarlac and severely affecting the cooperative's members who ended up defaulting on their loans. "The farmers could not cope," Buscayno relates. In 1994 the cooperative folded up.
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