THE UNIFORM standard Honasan seeks simply does not exist. Soldiers are held up to a different set of rules, sworn to abide by the chain of command, uphold civilian authority, and protect hapless civilians, not fire at them. But Edsa spawned a different kind of soldier in Honasan's mold, a breed with imagined invincibility, staging rebellions with impunity. They even became media figures in a country fast running out of heroes.

	GREGORIO 'GRINGO' HONASAN Photo by Lilen Uy

And so aside from the hundreds of RAM members who took part in the 1987 and 1989 coups, the nation saw the likes of Col. Rodolfo Aguinaldo staging a rebellion against the Aquino government in Cagayan in 1990 and Col. Alexander Noble attempting a coup in Mindanao later that same year. There have also been the millennium-edition rebels LtSG Antonio Trillanes IV and his band of junior officers, who took over the Oakwood hotel in Makati in 2003.

The government accused Honasan of being the brains behind Oakwood but that would be giving him too much credit. He does agree with the issues the rebels brought to light, chiefly corruption in the military which causes unrest among young idealistic officers. "The military, once it intervenes, cannot return to barracks. Kinurakot na kasi 'yung pambili ng barracks (The funds for the barracks have been stolen)," he rues.

Interestingly, though, it is another member of PMA Class '71, former AFP comptroller Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia, who has become the symbol of corruption in the military. Garcia was convicted in November 2005 after a trial that revealed him stashing away hundreds of millions of pesos and owning expensive pieces of real estate in the Philippines and the United States.

But again Honasan argues that civilian leaders should be thrown into the same jail cell as Garcia. "Retired General Garcia never signed contracts, whatever he amassed in the 20 or so bank accounts," he says. "I'm not prejudging the case. I'm just saying that it stands to reason that there are others as culpable or more culpable who are getting away."

On one thing Honasan is correct: the military reflects the civilian government and society in general. The military organization will only be as good, or as bad, as the civilian leadership that is supposed to lead it. "If the military has deteriorated and people are wary of the military," laments Honasan, "it is because they are wary and disgustful of the government and society in general."

The country's top leaders have much to do with encouraging a professional AFP loyal to the people and respectful of civilian authority. But in the 20 years since Marcos was ousted, Filipinos have seen their leaders doing exactly what Marcos did to the armed forces: play favorites, let scalawags off the hook, overlook genuine professionalism and talent, and allow corruption to fester. Five years ago at Edsa 2, the military reprised its role in Edsa 1, sparking a regime change and installing Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as president. The soldier has been politicized, and more often than not beholden to political interests. In some cases (like Honasan's), the soldier turns politician himself prescribing the solutions to the country's ills.

Honasan says if there is something he could have changed about Edsa 1, it is that the country should have had a better post-Marcos alternative. "Had I known then what I know now," he says, "I would have probably asked with a louder voice: what do we put in place? What are the systemic reengineering projects we must undertake so that fundamental reforms can take place?"

For now, he says he will continue doing what he has done in the past two decades. To some Filipinos, this is not exactly reassuring. "Some of us, as I am, have been adopting a low profile," says Honasan. "But I assure you after going against Marcos, Aquino, Ramos, and accused of going after Gloria, after going against four presidents, ngayon pa ba kami magbabago (do you think we would change now)?" — Luz Rimban