SPECIAL EDSA
20TH ANNIVERSARY ISSUE
JAN-FEB 2006

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FOR THE PODCAST OF NO-HOLDS-BARRED INTERVIEWS WITH THE EDSA 20.

Remembering Edsa

20 Featured Filipinos

Corazon C. Aquino
'All of us Filipinos have to make sacrifices'

Imelda Marcos
‘The greatest moment of Marcos was Edsa’

Fidel V. Ramos
‘The people are tired of constant political bickering’

Juan Ponce Enrile
‘Our leaders are more preoccupied with appearing popular and democratic without doing the reforms’

Gregorio ‘Gringo’ Honasan
‘The military, once it intervenes, cannot go back to the barracks’

Jose Concepcion Jr.
‘Let us now look to tomorrow’

Rene A.V. Saguisag
‘We cannot give up on the only country we have’

Bernabe ‘Kumander Dante’ Buscayno
‘Edsa was like a new dawn for me’

Nur Misuari
‘Without justice, there can never be an end to the war in Mindanao’

Teresita Ang See
‘We could not stay as bystanders’

Romeo J. Intengan
‘People power practiced too often sends a message abroad that you’re an unstable country’

Eugenia Apostol
‘It’s not just the leadership that must change. The people, too, must change’

William Torres
‘The electoral system must be changed’

Carmen Deunida, a.k.a. Nanay Mameng
‘If it’s possible, I want another Edsa to take place now’

Jim Paredes
‘We should awaken memory’

Luz Emmanuel Soriano
‘We will never have anything better unless we try’

Raymundo Jarque
‘We returned to democracy, but the practices are undemocratic’

Jose Luis Martin ‘Chito’ Gascon
‘We removed the dictator, but we retained the political system’

Ma. Cecilia Flores-Oebando
‘What I’m fighting for today is an extension of what I fought for before’

Alfonso Tomas ‘Atom’ P. Araullo
‘If we will pin our hopes on one thing, it must be in our capacity to shape the future’

pcij.org
Romeo Intengan
‘People power practiced too often sends a message abroad that you're an unstable country’




ROMEO INTENGAN, SJ
Photo by Lilen Uy
THE FIRST time Fr. Romeo J. Intengan, SJ, was summoned by a woman who lived in Malacañang, he had to flee the country to avoid her wrath. The woman was Imelda Marcos; the year was 1980. More recently, in November 2005, he came under fire for supposedly presenting exit scenarios to President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. He admits she has sought his advice in the past regarding religious matters, but denies bringing up exit plans with her.

Perhaps Someone Up There has been trying to tell Intengan to stay away from the Palace. Or from women in politics. It could well be both. But then the separation of Church and state has never stopped Intengan from seeking to influence politics. As an exile in Sabah, he trained cadres belonging to the political party he helped found. More recently, he has recommended the abolition of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.

Intengan is a man who embodies many seeming contradictions. While he endorsed the need for armed struggle after the declaration of martial law, he also had a moral dilemma because he was a priest and a doctor. He told his fellow activists, "Ok, I can be your chaplain, but I will not shoot to kill or to maim."

But after he sought refuge in Sabah in 1980, following his brush with an angry Imelda, who was probably miffed at being told pointblank that corruption and cronyism existed during her husband's rule, Intengan had to learn how to handle a gun because the camp where he stayed needed to be defended against wild monkeys. (Thankfully, he never had to kill any.)

Here is more interesting Intengan trivia: that Sabah camp was run by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). There the Jesuit priest served for more than a year as physician in residence, chaplain, and political officer. In 1982, when the Malaysian government could no longer ignore accusations from the Marcos government that it was harboring Filipino rebels, Intengan had to leave, eventually ending up in Spain, where he pursued further studies in theology. He was still there when the first people power revolt kicked out Ferdinand Marcos and installed Corazon Aquino as president.

In a heartbeat, Intengan hurried home, just like other so-called Marcos exiles who returned to the Philippines almost as soon as the Marcoses landed in Hawaii.Over the last 20 years, many of these ex-exiles have worked their way up — in some cases, literally from scratch — to positions of power and influence in their chosen fields. But there are those who came back and merely took up where they had left off, such as Eugenio Lopez III, heir to the Lopez family fortune and now chair of the ABS-CBN group of companies; radio station owner Ramon 'RJ' Jacinto, another rich man's son who has since expanded his own businesses; and politician Sergio Osmeña III, now on his third term as a senator.

Others include the likes of Heherson Alvarez, who fled the Philippines as a political activist, came back to join the Aquino government, and later became senator; and his wife Cecile Guidote Alvarez, founder of the Philippine Educational Theatre Association (PETA) and now executive director of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts. Then of course there are Intengan and his friend National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales, with whom he co-founded the Philippine Democratic Socialist Party (PDSP) in 1973. Both would be thrown in jail in 1978 for leading a march protesting the fraudulent elections held in April that year. Two years later, Imelda Marcos, suspicious that the PDSP was involved in bombings attributed to the April 6 movement (it wasn't), would summon Intengan to the Palace — and have him worried enough to make him hie off to Sabah by way of Jolo.



ROMEO INTENGAN, SJ
Photo by Lilen Uy
GONZALES ONCE told Intengan, "You provide the theory, I'll provide the action." The reference was to the priest's role as head of the PDSP's Education Commission — a position the latter has held from the 1970s until today. Intengan's main contribution to PDSP, as he sees it, was to "understand and develop and adapt to the Philippine situation the democratic-socialist and social-democratic… ideological continuum or spectrum." During its early years, PDSP's most important contribution to the Philippine political scene was to present a third alternative to the ones presented by Marcos and the communists. And so, it was not just the Marcos dictatorship that PDSP opposed, but the communist movement as well.

To this day, there is no love lost between the PDSP and the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). In a recent article posted on its website, the PDSP said the CPP and its political and military wings deserve the terrorist tag because they refuse to give up arms. "The CPP/NPA/NDF (do) not want the terror and the violence to cease," it said. "(They) mean to grab power at all costs, even at the cost of peace."

Intengan himself explains the position taken by the PDSP in the 1970s: "Our activism was really a provision of an alternative, a progressive one, which goes for radical social change but a democratic one, not a vanguardist party claiming to have a monopoly of wisdom and aiming for a monopoly of power."

That was in an era when the growing political and societal crises led some priests and nuns to became either supporters of the CPP or its full-fledged members. Luis Jalandoni of the CPP's political wing, the National Democratic Front (NDF), for instance, was a former priest. His wife and fellow NDF member Coni Ledesma was a former nun, as well as one of the founders of the Christians for National Liberation, the underground organization for subversive priests and nuns.

Many of these radical religious supported liberation theology, which interprets the Catholic faith through the eyes of the poor and sees Jesus as a "liberator." In fact, the Society of Jesus's 28th superior general in the Philippines, Fr. Pedro Arrupe, was himself a champion of liberation theology and the Jesuits themselves became identified with the movement, which promotes the active participation of the Church in bringing about social justice.

But Popes John Paul II and Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (now Pope Benedict XVI) frowned on it because of its perceived Marxist leanings. Intengan himself belonged to a less radical tradition, as did many of his fellow Jesuits in the Philippines, who were kept under the watchful eye of the Marcos regime.

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